To: The Office of
President of the United States Hillary Rodham Clinton,
The West Wing, The
White House,
1600 Pennsylvania
Avenue, Washington, District of Columbia.
From: Ian K.
Judge-Lord
Office of Legal
Counsel, United States Department of Justice
11114 L Street
Northwest, Washington D.C.
Memorandum
On the
Constitutionality of
War Crimes
[In violation of Chapter VIII Article 50 Paragraph
4 of the Second Geneva Convention; Part VI Section I Article 129 Paragraph 4 of
the Third Geneva Convention; and Part IV Section III Chapter I Article 75 and Part
V Section II Article 85 of Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions]
And
Torture
[In violation of Chapter I Article 3
Paragraph 1 Subparagraph 1, Article 12 and Article 51 of the Second Geneva
Convention; Part I Article 3 Paragraph 1 Subparagraph 1, Part II Article 12
Paragraph 3 and Article 14 Paragraph 1, Part III Section I Article 17 Paragraph
4 and Section VI Chapter III Article 99 Paragraph 2 and Article 108 Paragraph 1
and Part VI Section I Article 130 of the Third Geneva Convention; and Protocol
I Part IV Section III Chapter I Article 75 and Protocol II Part II Article 4 of
the Protocols Additional to the Geneva Conventions]
Background:
In
the Tuesday November 8, 2016 Presidential election, 45th President
of the United States Hillary Rodham Clinton defeated Republican Party candidate
Donald Trump[1]
by 2.8 million votes[2],
65.8 million votes to 63 million votes[3],
or 48.2% to 46.2%.[4]
However, had she lost the election, Trump would have become the next Commander
in Chief of the United States Military Armed Forces. The purpose of this
memorandum is to explore doubts as to the Constitutionality of the foreign
policy proposals of the man who on November 8, 2016 came within a mere two percentage
points of becoming the next Head of State of the sole economic and military
superpower in the civilized developed industrialized Western first world.
As
a Presidential candidate, first beginning in January 2011 and then officially
announcing his campaign on June 16, 2015, Donald Trump and his campaign went to
historically unprecedented lengths to be as vague and noncommittal on matters
of policy as any candidate for elected office in the 220-year history of
American Democracy. As a result, there existed very few policies on which it
was possible to discern with any reasonable degree of certainty just what
precisely it was that Trump planned to do. This memorandum focuses on the two
precise proposals made by Trump during his 2016 Presidential campaign on the
subject of what he planned to do if elected President when it came to the
foreign and international military policy of the United States.
First
and foremost, on the Fox News Channel show “Fox
and Friends” on December 2, 2015, Trump put forth his doctrine for
dealing with the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, or “I.S.I.S”, founded from
Al-Qaeda in Iraq by Abu-Al Baghdadi in 2006. “I would hit them so hard like they’ve never been before.” Trump
told Fox News Channel host Brian Kilmeade.[5] “And the other thing is with the terrorists,
you have to take out their families.”
“When you get these terrorists,
you have to take out their families.” Trump repeated to the shocked and silent
“Fox and Friends” co-hosts
Kilmeade and Stephen Doocy. “They care
about their lives, don’t kid yourself.
When they say they don’t care about their lives, you have to take out
their families.”[6]
Secondly,
at the eighth 2016 Republican Primary Debate on February 6, 2016 at the New
Hampshire Institute of Politics at Saint Anselm College in Goffstown, New
Hampshire, Donald Trump enumerated how he would expand and build on the
terrorism tactics of his Republican predecessor, 43rd President of
the United States George Walker Bush. “I
would bring back waterboarding.” Trump told debate moderators David Muir
and Martha Raddatz of ABC News, describing the simulated drowning tactic former
Vice President Richard Cheney euphemistically describes as “enhanced interrogation”, but which in
Chapter VI of the Report of its 36th Session issued on May 19, 2006,
the United Nations committee Against torture identified as constituting a form
of “torture”, which it defined as “cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment of
punishment”.[7]
“I would bring back a hell of a lot worse
than waterboarding.” Trump continued. The next day, in an interview on “This Week” on ABC News, Trump
confirmed to host George Stephanopoulos that “I would absolutely authorize something beyond waterboarding.” “I’ll approve it immediately, but I’ll make
it also much worse.” Trump told Republican State Representative Bill
Herbkersman of South Carolina in Bluffton, South Carolina on February 17. “We should go much stronger than
waterboarding.” Trump reiterated, concluding by telling Herbkersman “You know, half these guys say, “Torture
doesn’t work”. Believe me, it works…and
don’t tell me it doesn’t work. Torture works.”[8]
Previously,
Trump had hedged his proverbial bets by telling a crowd in Columbus, Ohio on
November 23, 2015 “Would I approve
waterboarding? I would approve more than that. It works”. “And even if it doesn’t work;” Trump then
added; “They deserve it anyway.”[9]
“We should go for waterboarding;” Trump repeated in the elevenths
2016 Republican Primary Debate in Detroit, Michigan on March 3, 2016; “And we should go tougher than waterboarding.”[10] The
closest thing to explaining what he meant by “worse than waterboarding” and “tougher
than torture” that Trump would ever get was in an interview with NH1 New
Hampshire News on June 30, 2016, when he told Political Director Paul Steinhauser
“We’re going to have to do things that
are unthinkable”. [11]
Trump’s love for torture, and waterboarding in particular, is unmistakable,
however, as when he said at a campaign rally in Saint Clairsville, Ohio on June
29, 2016 “I like waterboarding a lot. I
don’t think it’s tough enough.”[12]
Origins of Constitutional Conflict
The day after
the January 20, 2009 inauguration of his first term President Clinton’s
predecessor, Barack Obama, signed Executive Order 13491: “Ensuring Lawful Interrogations”, saying that prisoners “Shall in all circumstances be treated
humanely and shall not be subjected to violence to life and person [including
murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture], nor to outrages
upon personal dignity [including humiliating and degrading treatment].”[13] At
the White House Press Conference marking his hundredth day in office as
President on April 29, 2009, Obama explained, “I believe that waterboarding was torture and whatever rationales were
used, it was a mistake.” Six years later, on April 13, 2015, Republican
Congressman William Thornberry of Texas introduced into the United States House
of Representatives a bill to turn President Obama’s Executive Order into law[14],
House Resolution 1735: the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year
2016 [H.R. 1735: NDAA F.Y. 2016]. The bill passed the United States Senate on
June 16, 2016[15]
and passed the House of Representatives on November 5, 2015. President Obama
signed the bill into law on November 25, 2015.
The wording of
President Obama’s Executive Order closely mirrors that of Article 3 of the
First, Second and Third Geneva Conventions as well as Part IV Section III
Chapter I Article 75 and Part V Section II Article 85 of Protocol I and Part II
Article 4 of Protocol II Additional to the Geneva Conventions, all of which
prohibit “outrages upon personal dignity,
in particular humiliating and degrading treatment”.[16]
Article II,
Section 2, Clause 2 of the constitution of the United States of America
enumerates the power of the President of the United States “to make treaties, provided two thirds of the
Senators present concur”. The Geneva Conventions were signed by 33rd
President of the United States Harry Truman’s Ambassador to Switzerland John
Vincent on August 12, 1949 and ratified by the United States Senate by a
unanimous vote of 77-0 on July 6, 1955. 34th President Dwight Eisenhower signed
the Ratification on July 14, 1955.
Constitutionality Question
Though
the United States Supreme Court has explored the question of whether or not the
President of the United States is empowered to unilaterally nullify a treaty in
the case of Barry Goldwater v. James Carter on December 13, 1979, the court has
yet to provide a ruling which answers the question, with the District of Columbian
Circuit Court of Appeals writing on December November 30, 1979 that:
“The Constitutional institution of advice and
consent of the Senate, provided two-thirds of the senators concur, is a special
and extraordinary condition of the exercise by the President of certain
specified powers under Article II. It is not lightly to be extended in
instances not set forth in the Constitution. Such an extension by implication
is not proper unless that implication is unmistakably clear.”[17]
With the
Supreme Court neglecting to produce a ruling that of the Appellate Court
stands. However, that is by no means to say that the Supreme court as a whole
refrained completely from handing down their opinion, with Supreme Court
Associate Justice William Brennan writing, in his dissenting opinion that “Our cases firmly establish that the
Constitution commits to the President alone the power to recognize and withdraw
recognition from foreign regimes.”[18]
A “Crime Against Peace”
The Fourth
Geneva Convention is subtitled “Relative
to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War” and defines
civilians as individuals who “do not
belong to the armed forces” and “take
no part in the hostilities”.[19] This definition is mirrored in other
regulations at the national level around the globe. The Russian Federation’s
Regulations on the Application of International Humanitarian Law states that a
“civilian is any person present in the
area of combat operations, who is not a member of armed forces and refrains
from any act of hostility”.[20] France’s
Law of Armed Conflict defines civilians as “those
persons who do not belong to the armed forces or who do not participate in
hostilities”.[21] Israel’s
Law of War Booklet defines a “civilian”
as “any individual who is not a member of
an organized army of a State, and who is not involved in hostilities.”[22] Canada’s
Law of Armed Conflict Manual states, “A
civilian is any person who is not a combatant.”[23] Australia’s
Defense Force Manual defines a “civilian”
as “any person not belonging to the armed
forces”.[24]
The United Kingdom Law of Armed Conflict Manual states “Civilians are persons who are not members of the armed forces.”[25] The
Fourth Geneva Convention states that civilian must be “treated humanely at all times and protected against acts or threats of
violence” and states that no civilian “may
be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed. Collective
penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are
prohibited.”[26]
So not only
would Trump’s proposed policy of “taking
out the families” of the Islamic State be in violation of the Geneva
Conventions, to which the United States of America is a signatory, but it is
also illegal under very nearly each and every other legal regime in the
civilized developed first western world. This, in turn, raises another
international diplomatic hazard with the Republican’s foreign policy: namely,
the alienation of America’s allies. In November 2011, a war crimes tribunal in
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia found former 43rd Republican President of
United States George W. Bush guilty[27]
in absentia of “Crimes Against Peace”,
which the 1950 Nuremburg Tribunal[28],
submitted to the United Nations General Assembly[29],
defined as “Planning, preparation,
initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of
international treaties, agreements, or assurances”. The Kuala Lumpur War
Crimes Commission followed this up in May 2012 by convicting former President
Bush, Vice President Richard Cheney, Secretary of the Department of Defense
Donald Rumsfeld, and Attorney General of the Department of Justice Alberto
Gonzales in absentia of “conspiracy to
commit war crimes”.[30] [Former
Assistant Secretary of State for Politico-Military Affairs and National
Security Council National Coordinator for Security, Infrastructure Protection
and Counterterrorism Richard Clarke later confirmed that former President Bush
and Vice President Cheney were in fact guilty of war crimes.[31]]
Malaysia became a signatory to the Geneva Conventions on August 24, 1962.
As has been
shown, the American military’s treatment of noncombatant civilians under the
foreign policy proposed by the Republican Nominee would violate the laws of
nations from North America [Canada] to Western Europe [France, the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and the Russian Federation] to the Near East [Israel]
to East Asia [Australia]. All of these nations are allies of the United States,
but all of them are also signatories to the First Second, Third and Fourth
Geneva Conventions. Australia signed the Geneva Conventions on January 4, 1950
and ratified them on October 14, 1958. Canada and France, Israel, the Russian
Federation and Great Britain, like the United States, were one of the original
signatories on December 12, 1949. France ratified the Geneva Conventions on
June 28, 1951, Israel on July 6, 1951, Russia on May 10, 1954, the United
Kingdom on September 23, 1957 and Canada on May 15, 1965. All signatories to
the Geneva Conventions are pledged to enforce all of the articles therein, in
addition to whatever national laws each may have. If these nations, whose legal
regimes on War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity so closely mirror that of the
Geneva Conventions, were to ever choose to do what Malaysia did and convict the
President of the United States [in absentia, necessarily] of violating not only
international law but their own national laws as well, it would make it
extraordinarily difficult if not effectively practically all but impossible for
that President to full their sworn Constitutional duties and responsibilities
as Head of State. Travel to countries wherein a President has been found guilty
and convicted of war crimes under international law would risk arrest and
detention if any warrants outstanding were to exist in those countries. Without
being able to safely travel abroad and overseas, the conduction of diplomacy
with said nations would be hampered or even become impossible. In the case of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain, the closest ally of the United States for
centuries, all of American foreign policy would be affected and in the case of
the Russian Federation, the largest and one of the most powerful nations on
Earth, the very safety and security of the world could be placed in serious
jeopardy by a breakdown in diplomatic relations.
Granted, the
United Kingdom is unlikely to try a President of the United States for Crimes
Against Humanity, as it was former Prime Minister of Great Britain Anthony
Blair who was convicted of War Crimes alongside former President Bush by the
Kuala Lumpur Tribunal in 2011.[32] Had
President Clinton lost the November 8, 2016 Presidential election to Donald
Trump, it would have also been improbable that the Russian Federation would
have brought any charges against him[33],
considering the considerable resources that Russian President Vladimir Putin is
known to have dedicated toward defeating President Clinton[34]
and placing Trump in the Oval Office.[35]
France,
however, makes clear in no uncertain terms precisely how and why Trump’s
proposed policy of “taking out families”
would constitute a war crime. It’s Law of Armed Conflict Manual requires the
armed forces “to distinguish between
military objectives, which may be attacked and civilian objects and persons,
which must not be made the subject of deliberate attack.”
The argument
that was made by the Bush-Cheney regime, by Rumsfeld, among others, was that
people who matched the demographic profile [gender, age, height, religion,
geographic location, etc.] of armed combatants could be considered as such and
were therefore subject to attack by American armed forces. Canada’s Law of
Armed Conflict Manual, however, dispels with that fallacy by stating “The presence within the civilian population
of individuals who do not come within the definition of civilians does not
deprive the population of its civilian character.” Another argument for the
deaths of civilians used by Rumsfeld and others during the Bush regime was what
Vice President Cheney once famously referred to as the “One Percent Doctrine”:
That is to say, if someone meets the demographic profile of a combatant and it
is not known whether they are a combatant or not, if there exists even much as
a 1/100 chance that they might turn out to be a combatant, their status as a
combatant was to be taken as an absolute certainty.[36] Australia’s
Law of Armed Conflict Manual tells us that the standard in international law is
precisely the opposite: “In cases of
doubt about civilian status, the benefit of the doubt is given to the person
concerned.” The Russian Federation’s Regulations on the Application of
International Humanitarian Law concurs: “In
case of doubt whether a person is a civilian, that person shall be considered a
civilian.”
Cheney,
Rumsfeld and others used a similarly fallacious line of reasoning in their
rationalization of “enhanced interrogation” such as waterboarding: that it
could not be known whether someone was a combatant or not until after they had
been interrogated.
Inhumane and “Unusual”
Even when not
engaging in torture, however, the Bush-Cheney regime engaged in the practice of
indefinite detention without charge, indictment, representation, trial or
conviction, most notoriously at United States Naval Station Guantanamo Bay,
Cuba. People assumed by the Cheney-Rumsfeld regime to maybe perhaps be
combatants were kept in Cuba, in part, because prisoners within the contiguous
continental United States are entitled to the Rights enumerated in the Fifth,
Sixth, and Seventh Amendments of the Bill of Rights to the Constitution to “equal protection under the law” [V], “a speedy and public trial by an impartial
jury” to confront witnesses and to counsel [VI] and “trial by jury” [VII], and also, not coincidentally, that of the
eight Amendment—against “cruel and
unusual punishment”. In addition to
the American citizen, Yaser Esam Hamdi, detained indefinitely at Guantanamo
Bay, the detainees also include nine citizens of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain, seven citizens of France and nine citizens of the Russian Federation.[37] Even
failing the indefinite detention without charge or trial notwithstanding, the
conditions under which detainees at Guantanamo Bay are known to be held are, by
the legal regimes of most if not all of these nations, in violation of the
requirement of the Fourth Geneva convention that those presumed to be
noncombatant civilians until and unless proven otherwise be treated humanely at
all times.
Conclusion
As the
conviction of Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld for Crimes Against Humanity at the
Kuala Lumpur Tribunal demonstrates, nations such as Britain, Canada, France,
Israel and Russia already have what many legal regimes, national and
international, would regard as a case against any Presidential Administration
that continues, as the previous two Democrat and Republican alike have, the
offshore indefinite detention without charge or trial of citizens of America
and its allies. If, however, Trump had defeated President Clinton in the
election, as he came within a mere two percentage points of doing, and reversed
President Obama’s Executive Order in order to institute his proposed policy of
“tougher than torture” and “worse than waterboarding”, then
violations of the laws of American allies would be the least of his
Constitutional worries. If he were to further institute his proposed policy of
“taking out the families” of the
Islamic State, he would be in violation of the pledge that President Eisenhower
took upon signing the ratification of the First, Second, Third and Fourth
Geneva Conventions to enforce all articles therein contained, and only a ruling
on whether or not the President of the United States is or is not
Constitutionally empowered to nullify [or “un-sign”] international treaties,
which the United States Supreme Court has thus far neglected to provide, could
save his foreign policy from a Kuala Lumpur-like conviction except on a much
wider worldwide scale, resulting in either impeachment or else an Article II,
Section II v. Article I Section VIII Constitutional crisis unlike any in the
more than 220-year-long history of American Democracy.
This Memorandum
is not intended and should not be interpreted as advocacy, but rather
cautionary. Until and unless the United States Supreme Court issues a ruling on
whether a President can nullify a treaty signed by a previous President, it
must be presumed that the Articles of the First, Second, Third and Fourth
Geneva Conventions against inhumane torture and the targeted attacking of
civilians are to serve as the binding manual, as it were, for the conduct of
the military armed forces, as one of the original 1949 signatories, and in turn
of their Commander in Chief.
This Memorandum is Classified Embargoed
from Public Release and Publication by the Office of the Attorney general of
the United States [Secretary of the United States Department of Justice] until at
least no earlier than January 20, 2017
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[2]
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